Former Trinidad and Tobago prime minister Dr. Keith Rowley calls  Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar "unpatriotic and recklessly incompetent".
Former Trinidad and Tobago prime minister Dr. Keith Rowley calls Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar "unpatriotic and recklessly incompetent".

Former PM fires devastating broadside over successor's CARICOM assault, warning of sovereignty crisis

In one of the most scathing political condemnations in Trinidad and Tobago's 63-year history, former Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley has branded his successor Kamla Persad-Bissessar "the most unpatriotic and recklessly incompetent leader" the nation has ever known.

The explosive Facebook statement, posted Sunday as the Caribbean reeled from Persad-Bissessar's unprecedented assault on CARICOM, marks a dangerous inflection point for regional integration—raising fundamental questions about whether Trinidad, a founding CARICOM pillar, is abandoning Caribbean solidarity for unquestioning alignment with Washington.

The Vassal State Accusation

Rowley's charge cuts to the bone of Caribbean sovereignty. He accuses Persad-Bissessar's government of reducing Trinidad to "a vassal state, taking secret instructions from another country and issuing dire warnings that we should 'behave ourselves' lest we offend the United States and lose our access to US visas."

This represents constitutional betrayal—"to have torn up our Constitution and declared that the very idea of our existence as a nation is not worthy of defence or vision."

The backdrop: Persad-Bissessar's weekend declaration that CARICOM is "not a reliable partner," that beneath its "thin mask of unity" lie "widening fissures," and that the organization is "deteriorating rapidly due to poor management, lax accountability, factional divisions, and inappropriate meddling in domestic politics."

CARICOM's Existential Crisis

Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar
Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar
For a prime minister of Trinidad and Tobago—CARICOM's largest economy and historically most influential voice—to deliver such a broadside represents an earthquake whose aftershocks will reverberate from Kingston to Georgetown.

The trigger was CARICOM's criticism of U.S. visa restrictions targeting Antigua and Dominica over citizenship-by-investment programs. Where the CARICOM Bureau urged dialogue, Persad-Bissessar publicly rejected the regional position, asserting Trinidad's separate stance and defending Washington's "sovereign right" to act in its "best interests."

Rowley sees something more sinister: "To so publicly withdraw from pertinent CARICOM issues and decisions is as close to being a dangerous fifth-columnist as we could get. To wear the shame of that in the hope of reward and protection from the United States is as feckless and ignorant as one can be."

The Economic Suicide of Regional Abandonment

The economic irony is brutal: In 2024, Trinidad earned over $1.1 billion in foreign exchange from CARICOM trade—its second-largest export market. Trinidad maintains the only consistent trade surplus within CARICOM, a positive balance enjoyed since 1973, facilitated by protective tariffs that regional partners apply to support Trinidad's manufacturing sector—tariffs costing CARICOM members approximately $142.7 million in foregone customs revenue annually.

Trinidad's neighbors subsidize its industrial competitiveness while providing a captive market for its goods. Any shift would prove catastrophic—resurrecting the ghost of the West Indies Federation's collapse.

The old adage warned that "one from ten leaves zero," a bitter lesson when Jamaica's 1961 withdrawal triggered Trinidad's exit and the federation's dissolution.

Persad-Bissessar appears determined to test whether that arithmetic still holds—whether Trinidad can prosper by alienating the partners whose markets and goodwill underwrite its economic model.

The Kissinger Doctrine and Geopolitical Folly

Rowley accuses Persad-Bissessar of militarizing the nation while refusing to face local media, describing her positions as "treacherous and defiant edicts." When citizens demand answers about commitments made to U.S. authorities, she dismisses concerns as "anti-American."

The gamble becomes more precarious through the lens of geopolitical realism. As Henry Kissinger observed, "America has no permanent friends or enemies, only interests."

Trinidad is trading permanent regional relationships—bound by shared history, economic interdependence, and geography—for temporary U.S. favor contingent on shifting strategic calculations. When those interests change, where will Trinidad turn if it has burned its Caribbean bridges?

In Antigua Prime Minister Gaston Browne's pointed response, CARICOM "is a partnership rooted in shared history, shared bloodlines, shared struggle for independence, and a shared determination that small states are stronger when they act together."

The Precedent That Threatens the Caribbean

The stakes extend far beyond Trinidad. If CARICOM's most powerful member can unilaterally withdraw from collective positions whenever they conflict with perceived U.S. interests, what future does regional integration have?

Rowley's warning is stark: "For the future of this country, we hope that this ends soon but it does not look too good."

The Caribbean Community faces a foundational question: Can regional integration survive when loyalty to Washington becomes the price of admission? Trinidad's answer, under Persad-Bissessar, appears to be no. The consequences for Caribbean sovereignty may prove irreversible.

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