CARICOM | Dr. Terrence Drew proposes "The Atlantic Bridge" of Partnership between Africa and the Caribbean

Can CARICOM and Africa transform centuries of exploitation into genuine partnership, or is this another summit of empty promises?

CARICOM Secretariat, Turkeyen, Greater Georgetown, Guyana - Sunday, 7 September 2025) - "What was once a devastating tragedy for our people – the Atlantic Slave Trade – should now be translated into the Atlantic Bridge, a bridge of hope, a bridge of advancement, a bridge that will ensure that our people take their rightful place in this world."

The words rang through the Nelson Mandela Hall at African Union headquarters with the weight of history behind them. Dr. Terrance Drew, incoming CARICOM Chair and Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis, delivered what could be dismissed as summit rhetoric—or recognized as a fundamental challenge to how two regions approach their shared past and uncertain future.

But strip away the soaring metaphors, and hard questions emerge: What exactly does this "Atlantic Bridge" look like in practice? After decades of similar declarations, what makes this moment different? And why should anyone believe this summit will succeed where others have fallen short?

The Track Record Problem

This is not the first time Caribbean and African leaders have proclaimed a new dawn in South-South cooperation. The inaugural virtual summit in 2021 produced the usual cascade of communiqués and memorandums. Before that, individual CARICOM states signed bilateral agreements with African counterparts that largely gathered dust.

The numbers tell an uncomfortable story. Despite shared heritage spanning centuries, intra-South trade between CARICOM and Africa represents less than 2% of either region's total trade volume. Caribbean nations import more from tiny Luxembourg than from the entire African continent. Most African states have stronger economic ties with their former colonial powers than with any Caribbean nation.

Drew acknowledged this reality obliquely, noting that "current global events demonstrate clearly that it is in the best interests of both Africa and CARICOM to work together." But what he didn't say is equally revealing: traditional partnerships with Western nations continue to dominate both regions' economic strategies.

The Afreximbank Exception

Drew specifically praised Afreximbank and its president, Professor Benedict Oramah, for "driving economic and cultural cooperation" through "concrete initiatives." This represents the closest thing to a success story in current CARICOM-Africa relations—and reveals why the Atlantic Bridge faces such daunting challenges.

Afreximbank has indeed facilitated some Caribbean-Africa trade, particularly in agricultural commodities and energy. But even this flagship institution tells a sobering story about scale. The bank's total Caribbean portfolio represents less than 5% of its overall lending, despite aggressive outreach efforts.

More telling is what hasn't happened. Despite years of Afreximbank promotion, no major Caribbean financial institution has established significant African operations. No African airline operates regular Caribbean routes. Cultural exchanges remain largely confined to academic conferences and ceremonial visits.

The question facing Drew and his counterparts: If one of Africa's most sophisticated development finance institutions can only achieve marginal Caribbean engagement, what does that say about broader partnership prospects?

The Infrastructure Reality Check

Drew identified a critical bottleneck: "We need increased transportation linkages to reinforce our bonds as our peoples should travel freely and unabated to Africa and CARICOM." This isn't diplomatic nicety—it's acknowledgment of a fundamental structural problem.

Currently, traveling between most Caribbean and African destinations requires routing through European or North American hubs. A journey from Kingston to Lagos typically takes 18-24 hours with multiple stops. Direct flights exist between only a handful of city pairs, usually seasonal and expensive.

This infrastructure gap reflects deeper economic realities. Airlines operate routes where passenger and cargo demand justifies costs. The absence of direct Caribbean-Africa connections signals limited business, tourism, and investment flows between the regions.

Building Drew's Atlantic Bridge requires confronting why these connections don't already exist. Is it simply historical accident, or do geographic and economic fundamentals work against closer integration?

The Political Economy Question

“ Intra-South trade between CARICOM and Africa represents less than 2% of either region's total trade volume. Caribbean nations import more from tiny Luxembourg than from the entire African continent. ”

Drew's timing is not coincidental. Both CARICOM and African Union leaders face growing domestic pressure to diversify partnerships beyond traditional Western allies. Recent global disruptions—from supply chain crises to financial market volatility—have exposed the risks of economic dependence.

But political necessity doesn't automatically create economic opportunity. Drew's speech carefully avoided discussing the competitive dynamics that often pit Caribbean and African nations against each other in global markets. Both regions export similar agricultural products, compete for the same tourist markets, and chase identical foreign investment sectors.

The reparations agenda that Drew highlighted exemplifies this complexity. While shared advocacy creates political solidarity, it also raises uncomfortable questions about resource allocation and historical accountability that could complicate practical cooperation.

The Implementation Test

The 2024 AU-CARICOM Memorandum of Understanding that this summit advances includes specific commitments on "strengthening interregional economic partnerships and enhanced people-to-people ties." Previous agreements made similar promises.

What's different this time? Drew pointed to "action-oriented dialogue" and praised leaders for "concrete initiatives." But the summit's agenda reveals the same challenges that have stymied previous efforts: coordination among 69 sovereign states, financing mechanisms for cross-Atlantic projects, and competing regional priorities.

The ultimate test won't be found in summit declarations. It will be measured in trade statistics, investment flows, student exchanges, and the mundane details of whether businesspeople, academics, and ordinary citizens can actually move between these regions more easily than before.

Measuring the Bridge

Drew's Atlantic Bridge metaphor deserves serious consideration—not because it sounds inspiring, but because both regions need alternatives to partnerships that have often left them economically dependent and politically marginalized.

Four years from now, when leaders likely gather for another summit, the questions will be simple: Are there more direct flights between the regions? Has trade volume increased meaningfully? Do Caribbean and African universities have functioning exchange programs? Can entrepreneurs in both regions access each other's markets without prohibitive barriers?

Drew's vision could represent genuine transformation. Whether it becomes reality depends on leaders' willingness to move beyond speeches and start laying concrete foundations—even when those foundations prove more expensive and complicated than summit rhetoric suggests.

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